How long it took to paint the banner? “All the parties involved have committed a serious electoral offence. The secretary general of Fiji First who is also the Attorney General knows very well that the move was unlawful and in breach of electoral laws.
NO COUPIST: Aiyaz Khaiyum was NOT part of 2006 BAINIMARAMA Coup RADIO FIJI became HIS MOUTHPIECE: Spewing Vile against Indo-Fijians |
EXCERPTED from Chapter Four, 'The 1977 Elections and the Constitutional Crisis', Victor Lal, Fiji: Coups in Paradise The dissolution of Parliament, whereby the Governor-General justified his action with the statement that 'the Constitution provides that the Governor-General may dissolve Parliament at any time, but so doing, he shall act in accordance with the advice of the Prime Minister' inevitably tore the parties apart. In the September 1977 elections the NFP was beleaguered by factionalism splitting the supporters into rival political groups. The conflict revolved around the three old rivals: Narayan-Ramrakha-Koya. (Irene Jai Narayan, Karam Ramrakha and Siddiq Koya). |
![Picture](/uploads/1/3/7/5/13759434/editor/nfp-logo.png?1665214004)
The two groups also fiercely fought for the custody of the NFP's traditional mango tree symbol, only to be told by the Supreme Court to choose a new symbol.The Narayan-Ramrakha group chose the hibiscus flower and became known as the 'Flower' or 'Hibiscus' faction; the Koya group chose the dove and became know as the 'Dove' or 'Bird' faction. Briefly, the September 1977 election, in which the two factions fielded parallel candidates, became a Hindu-Muslim contest. As the Caribbean political analyst Ralph Premdas remarked later, it would be no exaggeration to report that the Hindu-Muslim theme dominated the factional struggle. The evidence clearly indicates that large number of Indians (Indo-Fijians), who had no desire to be embroiled in the religious implications of the NFP internal strife, simply did NOT vote.
Since both Ramrakha and Mrs Narayan were Hindus, 'in the minds of some NFP supporters the Hibiscus faction was the Hindu group, while the Koya-led Dove faction was the Muslim group. The Hibiscus faction charged that Koya, as leader of the NFP, had sold out Indian rights at the London Constitutional Conference; he should have accepted the ALTO Act; he lacked the will to lead the country; was a divisive leader, could not get along with Ratu Mara; was a part-time leader; and that he promoted racial disharmony in the country.
In turn, the Dove faction accused the Hibiscus group of deliberately using anti-Muslim campaign tactics against them; that it was purely a Gujerati party; and that it was power hungry. The campaign revealed that far from reflecting a genuine desire to challenge the Alliance, the Indian candidates shamelessly displayed a clear and outspoken commitment to destroy each other at the polls.
The Hibiscus faction's sole objective was to politically crush Koya at all costs. It chose Reddy (Jai Ram), who was tipped to become the next NFP leader, to fight Koya for the Lautoka Indian communal seat. Reddy's opinion of Koya and the climate of the contest between the two factions can best be illustrated by the following statement by Reddy:
* I am not frightened of Koya. I can face one thousand Koyas.
* This general election will throw the Leader of Opposition, Mr Siddiq Koya, in such a place that he will never be able to come back to the political arena again. The man changes tune according to the crowd. How can they rely on him?
*Mr Koya had been taken for a cheap ride by Ratu Mara during the constitutional conference. People who got fooled by others should leave the field and get out.
Others also joined in the personal attack on Koya. Mrs Narayan charged that he 'should be defeated in such a way that his political career will be buried so deep that even his ghost cannot come out'. The Hibiscus group's campaign, seen by some as open collaboration with the Alliance Party, added political punch when Ratu Mara confirmed publicly that 'I'd rather step down than work with Koya again'. (Fijileaks: Our Founding Editor-in-Chief's paternal uncle, the former Lord Mayor of Suva, was Alliance Party's candidate against Mrs Narayan in the Suva Indian communal seat).
Since both Ramrakha and Mrs Narayan were Hindus, 'in the minds of some NFP supporters the Hibiscus faction was the Hindu group, while the Koya-led Dove faction was the Muslim group. The Hibiscus faction charged that Koya, as leader of the NFP, had sold out Indian rights at the London Constitutional Conference; he should have accepted the ALTO Act; he lacked the will to lead the country; was a divisive leader, could not get along with Ratu Mara; was a part-time leader; and that he promoted racial disharmony in the country.
In turn, the Dove faction accused the Hibiscus group of deliberately using anti-Muslim campaign tactics against them; that it was purely a Gujerati party; and that it was power hungry. The campaign revealed that far from reflecting a genuine desire to challenge the Alliance, the Indian candidates shamelessly displayed a clear and outspoken commitment to destroy each other at the polls.
The Hibiscus faction's sole objective was to politically crush Koya at all costs. It chose Reddy (Jai Ram), who was tipped to become the next NFP leader, to fight Koya for the Lautoka Indian communal seat. Reddy's opinion of Koya and the climate of the contest between the two factions can best be illustrated by the following statement by Reddy:
* I am not frightened of Koya. I can face one thousand Koyas.
* This general election will throw the Leader of Opposition, Mr Siddiq Koya, in such a place that he will never be able to come back to the political arena again. The man changes tune according to the crowd. How can they rely on him?
*Mr Koya had been taken for a cheap ride by Ratu Mara during the constitutional conference. People who got fooled by others should leave the field and get out.
Others also joined in the personal attack on Koya. Mrs Narayan charged that he 'should be defeated in such a way that his political career will be buried so deep that even his ghost cannot come out'. The Hibiscus group's campaign, seen by some as open collaboration with the Alliance Party, added political punch when Ratu Mara confirmed publicly that 'I'd rather step down than work with Koya again'. (Fijileaks: Our Founding Editor-in-Chief's paternal uncle, the former Lord Mayor of Suva, was Alliance Party's candidate against Mrs Narayan in the Suva Indian communal seat).
![Picture](/uploads/1/3/7/5/13759434/published/butadroka-2-1.jpg?1665216222)
Responding, Koya accused Reddy and Narayan of having sown seeds of discord in the Indian community, and alleged that they had deliberately set out to destroy his faction by setting Hindus against Muslims. The Alliance greatly benefitted from this protracted struggle between the two factions. Its chances at the polls were further enhanced with the imprisonment of Sakeiasi Butadroka (jailed for six months under the Public Order (Amendment) Act of 1976 for inciting racial antagonism) who was fighting for his seat from behind the prison bars. Consequently, the Alliance was this time free to conduct a 'nationalistic' campaign among the native Fijians aimed at rallying them behind the party. Some of its candidates privately equated Fijian survival with dominance. The alternative to dominance, the Fijians were told, was domination by an Indian-dominated NFP government.
The election results were, therefore, a foregone conclusion. The Alliance Party won 36 seats in the House of representatives, compared to only 24 in March. The NFP's strength was slashed from 26 to 15 seats, of which 12 went to the Hibiscus faction and only three to the Dove faction. Ratu Osea Gavidi retained his seat. A total of approximately 196,000 votes were cast, out of which the Alliance obtained about 47%, the combined NFP vote 45% and the FNP only 9.2%. Interestingly, a good deal of the change in Indian votes was within the factional groups.
There were however two surprising results in this election: Koya was defeated by Reddy in the Lautoka Indian communal seat and Butadroka lost his seat, the FNP's only one in Parliament. Three other notable NFP veterans in addition to Koya-Chirag Ali Shah, M.T.Khan and Apisai Tora-were also defeated. While Fijians celebrated Alliance's victory, for the Indians it was an occasion of political mourning. To be continued.
The election results were, therefore, a foregone conclusion. The Alliance Party won 36 seats in the House of representatives, compared to only 24 in March. The NFP's strength was slashed from 26 to 15 seats, of which 12 went to the Hibiscus faction and only three to the Dove faction. Ratu Osea Gavidi retained his seat. A total of approximately 196,000 votes were cast, out of which the Alliance obtained about 47%, the combined NFP vote 45% and the FNP only 9.2%. Interestingly, a good deal of the change in Indian votes was within the factional groups.
There were however two surprising results in this election: Koya was defeated by Reddy in the Lautoka Indian communal seat and Butadroka lost his seat, the FNP's only one in Parliament. Three other notable NFP veterans in addition to Koya-Chirag Ali Shah, M.T.Khan and Apisai Tora-were also defeated. While Fijians celebrated Alliance's victory, for the Indians it was an occasion of political mourning. To be continued.
Fijileaks Editor-in-Chief: "In 1985 I had interviewed Siddiq Koya, Jai Ram Reddy, Mrs Irene Jai Narayan and other key players who were embroiled in the 1977 political and constitutional crisis for the study that I was writing on Fiji (later published as a book) under Sir David Butler's supervision at Oxford. I had been on personal terms with all the NFP leaders for years, and was also privy to the views and thoughts of the native Fijian chiefly leaders, including the then Governor-General Ratu Sir George Cakobau, Ratu Sir Penaia Ganilau, and Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara, for whom my family had long campaigned during the elections. In particular, I was very good friends with the colourful but eccentric Sakeiasi Butadroka, the leader of the Fijian Nationalist Party. He was more than happy to grant me an interview. I still vividly remember the shock my father, as president of the Alliance Party Tailevu branch, and my uncle who had just lost to Mrs Narayan in the Suva Indian Communal seat as Alliance candidate, felt when we learned the Alliance Party had lost the April 1977 election to the National Federation Party. I was still in the counting hall, nervously watching the recount my uncle had requested, when I was told of the devastating news. Rest is history.
'HINDUS and Muslims are PAGANS who must be CONVERTED to Christianity. For if not, we will all become pagans.' - COUPIST Rabuka
![Picture](/uploads/1/3/7/5/13759434/published/screenshot-2022-10-08-at-10-24-40-siddiq-koya-negotiated-for-a-public-holiday-for-the-celebration-of-prophet-muhammad-s-birthday-nfp.png?1665221160)
The importance of the observance of the Prophet’s Birthday to be marked with a national public holiday can be rightfully credited to former NFP Leader Siddiq Moidin Koya, who in 1974 negotiated with the then Prime Minister Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara for public holidays for the celebration of Prophet Muhammad’s Birthday and Diwali.
This was stated by the National Federation Party as they wished Fiji’s Muslim community a blessed celebrations as it observes the birthday of the founder of Islam, Prophet Muhammad.
NFP Leader Professor Biman Prasad says it is pleasing to see the Muslim community conforming to the Prophet’s principles, particularly his social and religious teachings.
Professor Prasad says Prophet Muhammad’s political principles are admirable as he espoused peace, harmony and tolerance.
He says they wish the Muslim community a blessed celebration of their Prophet’s birthday in a multi-cultural, multi-ethnic and multi-religious nation.
This was stated by the National Federation Party as they wished Fiji’s Muslim community a blessed celebrations as it observes the birthday of the founder of Islam, Prophet Muhammad.
NFP Leader Professor Biman Prasad says it is pleasing to see the Muslim community conforming to the Prophet’s principles, particularly his social and religious teachings.
Professor Prasad says Prophet Muhammad’s political principles are admirable as he espoused peace, harmony and tolerance.
He says they wish the Muslim community a blessed celebration of their Prophet’s birthday in a multi-cultural, multi-ethnic and multi-religious nation.
FIJI: Welcome, to COUPCOUP Land. No wonder we have coup culture.
It beggars belief how those inside and outside the country continue to support the return of COUPISTS from all parties into Parliament
19 May 2000: Naivalurua and Coupist Rabuka were back in Speight coup
Naivalurua was at the Australian War College when the 2000 coup happened; he came down to Fiji, went into Parliament, physically manhandled his brother and dragged him out. Later, he supported the coup from outside. He also remains at large for being one of the ten balaclava hooded soldiers who stormed Parliament in 1987 to overthrow Dr Timoci Bavadra and his government - in conspiracy with Sitiveni Rabuka's
"Operation Kidacala (Surprise)".
*Basically, the SNAKE RABUKA was disowning the very 1997 Rabuka-Reddy Constitution that PAP-NAG is now brandishing around the country. The typical opportunist in time of crisis
Fijileaks: Astonishingly, in June 2000, shortly after George Speight and others seized Parliament, Rabuka told the world that the old South Africa might be a model for Fiji. He no longer seemed to believe in a multi-racial chamber. Rabuka said Fiji might need racially segregated houses of parliament, ‘like pre-Mandela South Africa’, as part of a constitutional settlement to its problems. The solution to Fiji's problems ‘must come with a constitutional arrangement that [i-Taukei] Fijians can work with ... and at the moment, they cannot work with the 1997 Constitution’.
*Basically, he was disowning the very 1997 Rabuka-Reddy Constitution that PAP-NAG is now brandishing around the country. The typical opportunist in time of crisis
Rabuka: "I supported every move to destabilise the Chaudhry government, but I was not part of the coup. I was not involved in any of the [pre-coup] marches. But I was going to be involved in the next one because it was [to be held at] the time of the signing of the successor to the Lome Convention this month.’
*Rabuka said he had known Speight and had played golf with him and knew of his commitment to indigenous rights. However, he did not agree that Speight represented the ‘soul’ or the ‘voice’ of the indigenous people, or the i-Taukei. ‘Why should he consider himself the voice of the iTaukei? His grandfather was a European. The military has only [negotiated with] Speight because of the security of the hostages. He has no legal claim. I don't have any moral stance on whether his actions are right or wrong. I cannot say anything about that because I was in the coup in 1987. I am giving my opinions as a private citizen.’ But Speight ‘has lost the plot and right now he is trying to hang onto every little straw that floats by. He is living in a bubble, and very soon that bubble will burst’
DEPOSED PRIME MINISTER MAHENDRA CHAUDHRY, after being released, said he had been told of Rabuka's complicity by the leader of the CRW unit in parliament, Ilisoni Ligairi. In talks with Chaudhry, Ligairi had claimed he was very angry with Rabuka because he had ditched them at the last minute.
Fijileaks: If Prasad can betray the Indo-Fijian community and our Editor-in-Chief's forty-year friendship by not informing us that he was in secret talks with Coupist Rabuka to sign a coalition pact, while leaking and exploiting Fijileaks to advance his political profile, the 'Rat-Chua' cannot be TRUSTED. In the political coalition marriage pact, reportedly drafted by the wealthy Suva corporate lawyer Richard Naidu, the NFP leader has taken a solemn political vow to faithfully act as PAAPI's Deputy Prime Minister. Remember what Rabuka told the world in 1987:
'Indians will never rule Fiji'
CRYING FOR HIS BELOVED JAPANESE 'SITA' over 'PERVERT TEXTS'
FIJI: A TEMPLE OF DESIRES
RESIGN: On 29 July 2005, the NFP's current provisional candidate and Nadi lawyer DORSWAMI NAIDU had announced his intention to resign as President of NFP at the party conference on 31 July 2005. Announcing his resignation, Naidu had expressed disappointment at how the party's the general secretary, Pramod Rae, had gone public with calls for him to step down. The NFP was not a media-led party, he said, and he was "disappointed and hurt" that Rae had gone to the media despite a private assurance from Naidu that he would resign soon. Rae should have called a meeting of the executive board before making such a unilateral decision, Naidu said.
We call on NFP leader BIMAN PRASAD TO MAKE THE RIGHT DECISION and RESIGN as party leader
'The Sushi Ponga Professor' is refusing to explain why he was texting Mrs Tanguichi rather than summoning Tanguichi or dismissing him.
Fijileaks: Prasad must RESIGN or NFP should SACK him as LEADER
THIRTY-FIVE YEARS ON: REFUTING RABUKA'S ALLEGATIONS THAT THE LATE RATU MARA WAS BEHIND THE 1987 COUPS. |
TRADE OFF: The COUPIST has kept his BIG MOUTH shut on the 1987 bombings. HE is the one who knows who was behind the bombings to end his racial and political oppression of his opponents from 1987-1999
"The penalty for TREASON in all Commonwealth countries is DEATH, and if this is to be my destiny I will accept it."
Rabuka, 19 May 1987; not long afterwards he got himself IMMUNITY and promoted himself from a Third-Ranking army officer to
MAJOR-GENERAL Sitiveni Ligamamada Rabuka
FFP government learned from HIM that Immunity is the way out for Coupists
Declaration on U.S.-Pacific Partnership
*First, we resolve to strengthening our partnership.
*Second, we commit to bolstering Pacific regionalism.
*Third, we are committed to tackling the climate crisis together as a priority.
*Fourth, we are committed to enhancing our cooperation to advance economic growth and sustainable development in the Pacific.
*Fifth, we are committed to supporting each other to better prepare and respond to natural disasters.
*Sixth, we resolve to protect the Blue Pacific and enhance the laws that govern it.
*Seventh, we resolve to maintain peace and security across the Blue Pacific Continent.
*Eighth, we commit to continuing our cooperation in addressing COVID-19 concerns and other health-related issues.
*Ninth, we commit to expanding opportunities for all our peoples.
*Tenth, we reaffirm our commitment to comprehensively address the legacies of conflict and the promotion of nuclear nonproliferation.
*Eleventh, way forward and future implementation of the Partnership.
September 29, 2022: Signatories to the Declaration
Prime Minister Mark Brown of Cook Islands
Prime Minister Josaia Voreqe Bainimarama of the Republic of Fiji
President David W. Panuelo of the Federated States of Micronesia
President Edouard Fritch of the Government of French Polynesia
Charge d’Affaires Josie-Ann Dongobir of the Republic of Nauru
President Louis Mapou of the Government of New Caledonia
President Surangel S. Whipps, Jr. of the Republic of Palau
Prime Minister James Marape of the Independent State of Papua New Guinea
President David Kabua of the Republic of the Marshall Islands
Prime Minister Fiamē Naomi Mata’afa of the Independent State of Samoa
Prime Minister Manasseh Sogavare of Solomon Islands
Prime Minister Siaosi ‘Ofakivahafolau Sovaleni of the Kingdom of Tonga
Prime Minister Kausea Natano of Tuvalu
President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. of the United States of America
Ambassador Odo Tevi of the Republic of Vanuatu
WAKEY, WAKEY! Was he asleep or was he on his I-Phone?
ENTERTAINING COUPISTS AT THE BREAKFAST TABLE (Minus Speight)
It beggars belief how the United States while lecturing the world on democracy, freedom and human rights, is quick to lay breakfast for Fiji's dictators who came to power through the 'barrel of the gun'. In Rabuka's case, his 'Kama Sutra' mirrored Bill Clinton's while in power. Looks like the NFP's 'Don Juan [Bi[uan] Lothario is now competing for his political hubby's lascivious reputation. He is refusing to answer questions from Fijileaks regarding those 'disgusting texts' to Taniguchi's wife.
"People who want to be future leaders should steer clear of the path that I went."
Rabuka on his womanising before and during his marriage and fathering children from different women
A typical Japanese Marriage Vow Watakushi wa kono josei to kekkonshi Fufu to narou to shite imasu Watakushi wa kenkouna tokimo Soudenai tokimo Kono hito o aishi Kono hito o uyamai Kono hito o nagusame Kono hito o tasuke Watakushi no inochi no kagiri Kataku sessou o mamoru koto o Chikai masu. | This woman, I marry No matter what the health situation is I will love this person Respect this person Console this person Help this person Until death Protecting fidelity I swear |
30 June 2000, The New Zealand Herald
![Picture](/uploads/1/3/7/5/13759434/published/md22452673476.jpg?1664431930)
By WARREN GAMBLE
First it was Bill Clinton. Now former Fiji coup leader Sitiveni Rabuka has a confession or two to make about other women.
In Auckland to promote his new biography, Rabuka of Fiji, the 51-year-old defeated as Prime Minister last year fronted up about his personal indiscretions: "I have admitted I'm no angel ... I have been weak in those areas," he said.
The book, written by Australian academic John Sharpham, refers to General Rabuka's womanising before and during his marriage to Suluweti Tuiloma.
He fathered three children to two different women in the early 1970s after he had begun dating his future wife.
He was also caught with a succession of young women in his quarters during officer training.
The book also covers a scandal dubbed the "Kama Sutra" episode shortly before last year's elections, linking General Rabuka to a young woman golfer in the changing rooms at the Fiji Golf Club.
He publicly denied the changing-room incident, but the biography says "he almost seemed not to care that the relationship had become public."
General Rabuka would not comment further yesterday, but said he had owed it to the Fijian people to be frank, and also to set the record straight on "manufactured affairs."
The general said his problem with women was something he had to constantly combat.
He had considered divorce but his wife would not hear of it, and they were now going to a relationship counsellor.
"I think she probably took me for granted, and I took her for granted."
Like the United States President, General Rabuka hoped his affairs would serve as a warning to others: "People who want to be future leaders should steer clear of the path that I went."
He said the indiscretions had cost him politically, particularly in support lost to the new Christian Democratic Alliance party, which had split the Fijian vote.
In Fiji, some people had criticised the personal revelations as unnecessarily disruptive for the other women involved, particularly since the mothers of his other children are named.
But General Rabuka said that for any biography to be complete, it had to include personal and social influences.
After a promotional tour of Australia and New Zealand, General Rabuka will face a writ when he returns home next week.
Fijian President Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara has taken legal action over the book's claim that General Rabuka told him of a possible military coup to overthrow Dr Timoci Bavadra's Indian-influenced coalition Government in May 1987.
General Rabuka maintained yesterday that he had mentioned the coup option to Ratu Mara during golf two weeks before the coup, and believed he had the tacit support of the-then Opposition leader.
General Rabuka, who left politics after last year's election defeat, has not ruled out a return in 2004.
In the meantime, he has controversially advocated emigration as a way of easing racial tensions between Fijians and Indians.
He believes there will be an outflow of Indians as land leases revert to Fijian control over the next few years.
He does not see the possibility of another coup.
But he said indigenous Fijians dissatisfied with the new Government, which is led by the country's first Indian Prime Minister (Mahendra Chaudhry), had largely themselves to blame for vote-splitting last year.
First it was Bill Clinton. Now former Fiji coup leader Sitiveni Rabuka has a confession or two to make about other women.
In Auckland to promote his new biography, Rabuka of Fiji, the 51-year-old defeated as Prime Minister last year fronted up about his personal indiscretions: "I have admitted I'm no angel ... I have been weak in those areas," he said.
The book, written by Australian academic John Sharpham, refers to General Rabuka's womanising before and during his marriage to Suluweti Tuiloma.
He fathered three children to two different women in the early 1970s after he had begun dating his future wife.
He was also caught with a succession of young women in his quarters during officer training.
The book also covers a scandal dubbed the "Kama Sutra" episode shortly before last year's elections, linking General Rabuka to a young woman golfer in the changing rooms at the Fiji Golf Club.
He publicly denied the changing-room incident, but the biography says "he almost seemed not to care that the relationship had become public."
General Rabuka would not comment further yesterday, but said he had owed it to the Fijian people to be frank, and also to set the record straight on "manufactured affairs."
The general said his problem with women was something he had to constantly combat.
He had considered divorce but his wife would not hear of it, and they were now going to a relationship counsellor.
"I think she probably took me for granted, and I took her for granted."
Like the United States President, General Rabuka hoped his affairs would serve as a warning to others: "People who want to be future leaders should steer clear of the path that I went."
He said the indiscretions had cost him politically, particularly in support lost to the new Christian Democratic Alliance party, which had split the Fijian vote.
In Fiji, some people had criticised the personal revelations as unnecessarily disruptive for the other women involved, particularly since the mothers of his other children are named.
But General Rabuka said that for any biography to be complete, it had to include personal and social influences.
After a promotional tour of Australia and New Zealand, General Rabuka will face a writ when he returns home next week.
Fijian President Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara has taken legal action over the book's claim that General Rabuka told him of a possible military coup to overthrow Dr Timoci Bavadra's Indian-influenced coalition Government in May 1987.
General Rabuka maintained yesterday that he had mentioned the coup option to Ratu Mara during golf two weeks before the coup, and believed he had the tacit support of the-then Opposition leader.
General Rabuka, who left politics after last year's election defeat, has not ruled out a return in 2004.
In the meantime, he has controversially advocated emigration as a way of easing racial tensions between Fijians and Indians.
He believes there will be an outflow of Indians as land leases revert to Fijian control over the next few years.
He does not see the possibility of another coup.
But he said indigenous Fijians dissatisfied with the new Government, which is led by the country's first Indian Prime Minister (Mahendra Chaudhry), had largely themselves to blame for vote-splitting last year.
![Picture](/uploads/1/3/7/5/13759434/mahend-with-ratu-mara_orig.jpg)
Fiji's first Indo-Fijian Prime Minister Mahendra Chaudhry (2nd R) and his wife Virmati Chaudhry (R) pose with President Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara (2nd L) and president of the Fiji Labour Party Jokabeci Koroi (L) at Chaudry's swearing-in ceremony in Suva, 19 May 1999. Chaudry vowed to steer Fiji away from the racial politics which had divided the island in the past.
Fijileaks: Yes, it is a GROSS LIE from the Paapi and his political team
Former Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka said he was honoured to be part of the first prayer breakfast with United States President Barrack Obama.
Mr Rabuka who has attended prayer breakfasts with US Presidents in the past said this one was no different from the last two, except that he had grown older.
He was among the VIP’s selected to fellowship in a private room into which Mr Obama was to have attended for a short meeting before the breakfast.
Unfortunately, Mr Obama’s pre-breakfast schedule that morning was so tight that he did not have time. So they saw and heard him in the main Breakfast Hall.
“This one (prayer breakfast) was not different from the other two, except that I am now older and have had the good fortune to observe our own political changes in the ten years that I have been out of government and used my experiences in government and after leadership to pass on to other world leaders present my insight into world leadership problems, solutions and commonalities,” said Mr Rabuka.
Mr Rabuka had attended one during President Bill Clinton’s time.
He also featured in former President George Bush’s first Prayer Breakfast, six days after being declared winner of the elections by the Supreme Court.
The event is usually hosted by Congress on the first Thursday of every year.
“I have featured in all the three I attended. During my visit at Bush’s first, I was invited to be a Dinner Speaker, and on this last visit I was invited to be the last of the closing dinner speakers,” he said.
“I have always been impressed with the sincere and frank exchanges on the world leaders’ faith and how possible it is to come together in spite of our political opposition to others.”
Mr Rabuka was accompanied by his wife Sulueti, Colonel Ilaisa Kacisolomone and his wife, and Keni Dakuidreketi.
He said he also asked the Joint Congressional and Senate Committee to invite two of his former PM’s Office staff members, Aliti Cagica and Torika Uluiviti.
Mr Rabuka who has attended prayer breakfasts with US Presidents in the past said this one was no different from the last two, except that he had grown older.
He was among the VIP’s selected to fellowship in a private room into which Mr Obama was to have attended for a short meeting before the breakfast.
Unfortunately, Mr Obama’s pre-breakfast schedule that morning was so tight that he did not have time. So they saw and heard him in the main Breakfast Hall.
“This one (prayer breakfast) was not different from the other two, except that I am now older and have had the good fortune to observe our own political changes in the ten years that I have been out of government and used my experiences in government and after leadership to pass on to other world leaders present my insight into world leadership problems, solutions and commonalities,” said Mr Rabuka.
Mr Rabuka had attended one during President Bill Clinton’s time.
He also featured in former President George Bush’s first Prayer Breakfast, six days after being declared winner of the elections by the Supreme Court.
The event is usually hosted by Congress on the first Thursday of every year.
“I have featured in all the three I attended. During my visit at Bush’s first, I was invited to be a Dinner Speaker, and on this last visit I was invited to be the last of the closing dinner speakers,” he said.
“I have always been impressed with the sincere and frank exchanges on the world leaders’ faith and how possible it is to come together in spite of our political opposition to others.”
Mr Rabuka was accompanied by his wife Sulueti, Colonel Ilaisa Kacisolomone and his wife, and Keni Dakuidreketi.
He said he also asked the Joint Congressional and Senate Committee to invite two of his former PM’s Office staff members, Aliti Cagica and Torika Uluiviti.
The National Prayer Breakfast is a yearly event held in Washington, D.C., usually on the first Thursday in February. The event—which is actually a series of meetings, luncheons, and dinners—has taken place since 1953 and has been held at least since the 1980s at the Washington Hilton on Connecticut Avenue NW. The National Prayer Breakfast, held in the Hilton's International Ballroom, is yearly attended by some 3,500 guests, including international invitees from over 100 countries. It is hosted by members of the United States Congress and is organized on their behalf by The Fellowship Foundation, a Christian organization.
"By four [p.m.19 April] we spent some time in prayer and options and
we asked Rabuka to prepare his side of things, you know, the military option. And all the things we were doing were the lead up. We asked Rabuka to prepare that side and when the time, when we reach a stage when he must step in, he must be ready to step in. We changed it [the coup] to Thursday on Wednesday night in my office at the Bible Society with Rabuka." - Former FFP Foreign Minister Inoke Kubuabola, the then leader of the violent and anti-Indo-Fijian Taukei Movement, quoted in Victor Lal, Fiji: Coups in Paradise - Race, Politics and Military Intervention; Kubuabola was also President of the Fiji Council of Churches and Secretary General of the Bible Society of the South Pacific
[email protected]
ARCHIVES
September 2020
August 2020
July 2020
June 2020
December 2018
November 2018
October 2018
January 2018
December 2017
November 2017
October 2017
September 2017
August 2017
July 2017
June 2017
May 2017
April 2017
March 2017
February 2017
January 2017
December 2016
November 2016
October 2016
September 2016
August 2016
July 2016
June 2016
May 2016
April 2016
March 2016
February 2016
January 2016
December 2015
November 2015
October 2015
September 2015
August 2015
July 2015
June 2015
May 2015
April 2015
March 2015
February 2015
January 2015
December 2014
November 2014
October 2014
September 2014
August 2014
July 2014
June 2014
May 2014
April 2014
March 2014
February 2014
January 2014
December 2013
November 2013
October 2013
September 2013
August 2013
July 2013
June 2013
May 2013
April 2013
March 2013
February 2013
January 2013
December 2012
October 2012
September 2012