Wed 27, April 2022, 8.16pm 3 June 2023 "Fiji is drowning in debt. By the middle of next year, when it is expected to reach $9 billion, every Fiji citizen will be carrying $10,000 of it. This is why we have to beg Australia and New Zealand for cash. We no longer have the ability to borrow money sustainably...Unlike Parliament, where he [Aiyaz Khaiyum] seems to be allowed to do anything he wants, this is the real world – the world where boasting does not pay the bills. It was a relief at least to hear him say “thank you”."Early this week, Australia wrote the Fiji Government a cheque for another $130 million.
That brings to more than $300 million in cash that Australia and New Zealand have had to inject into Fiji this year to keep its Government afloat. Australian government Minister Zed Seselja said at the handover ceremony that Australia’s cash was “helping address Fiji’s immediate fiscal pressures, supporting debt sustainability, and bolstering vital services and social protection plans of Fiji’s most vulnerable people”. Listening to him intently was Economy Minister Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum, with a little less of his usual Parliamentary swagger. Unlike Parliament, where he seems to be allowed to do anything he wants, this is the real world – the world where boasting does not pay the bills. It was a relief at least to hear him say “thank you”. Because we owe an immense debt of gratitude to Australia and New Zealand. Without their cheque books we would have unpaid public servants, desperate welfare recipients and completely collapsed government services. Of course the Economy Minister could not quite put the boasting aside. Australia and New Zealand, he said, had faith and trust in the FijiFirst government’s ability to “manage the State’s finances prudently and in an accountable and transparent manner”. The reality of the matter, as the minister likes to say, is that no one reading the latest Auditor-General’s reports could not have any confidence in the accountability and transparency of the Fiji Government’s finances. The politicians and diplomats of Australia and New Zealand have learned to grit their teeth and keep their eyes looking firmly forward when they hear statements like this. They have to keep their vital interests in mind. Their vital interests are to ensure that Fiji does not fall further into the clutches of China’s aggressive diplomacy. And they do not want a humanitarian crisis on their back doors. But if, as we expect, we are in government next year, we will have to deal with a major mess in Government finances. We are quite fearful of what we will find. And there is a direct link between the state of Fiji’s democracy and the state of its government finances. A government that is not democratic and accountable to the people becomes lazy, inefficient and corrupt. It spends money the way it likes and not the way it should. And as it becomes more insecure about its grip on power, it spends for politics, not for people. That is what is happening to Fiji. How has Fiji come to this? Fiji is drowning in debt. By the middle of next year, when it is expected to reach $9 billion, every Fiji citizen will be carrying $10,000 of it. This is why we have to beg Australia and New Zealand for cash. We no longer have the ability to borrow money sustainably. The Government is broke. Why? Because our Government is not interested in governance. It is only interested in spending money to win elections and keep itself in power. I used to say that the one thing the Fiji- First government could do well was spend money. I have changed my mind. I don’t think they can even do that well. For all of its talk about transparency and accountability, the Government does not wish to be either transparent or accountable. The Government talks big in every budget about how much it will spend – hundreds of millions on roads, on health, on education. I have never understood why it talks like this. The important thing is not how much money you spend. It is how you spend it. How is it that after spending hundreds of millions on roads they are still such a mess? How is that after spending hundreds of millions on education our whole education system is a disaster? And let’s not even talk about the health system where the Government has just given up. Certain information cannot be hidden from the people. This includes how much the Government budgets to spend and how much it has to borrow. The Government has to tell Parliament about that. But what we do not know about is how much money is lost through wastage, mismanagement and even corruption. We believe that a hard re-look at the Government’s finances could save hundreds of millions of dollars a year. The Auditor-General does his best. But he has limited resources. He cannot check on everything. And his office is constantly pressured and bullied by the Government. A few years ago he was forced to publicly apologise for a so-called “mistake” about Government companies that made the Economy Minister look bad. Certainly from what I could see, the Auditor- General had not made a mistake. But an important lesson was learned about how to be the Auditor-General under the Fiji First Government – the one mistake you must never make is to upset the Economy Minister! We all know what has happened to the Public Accounts Committee (PAC) of Parliament. The rules, ever since independence, have been that an Opposition MP is its chair. That is because the chair sets the agenda and determines who speaks and asks questions. At first, under the 2013 Constitution, the Fiji First Government followed those rules. I was the original chair of the PAC in 2014 when Parliament began again. But after I started asking too many questions, the Government changed Parliament’s rules. It decided that a Government MP should be the chair instead. Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum said this had to be done because I was being “political”. This is another favourite line of his. Anything the Government does is “government”. But anything the Opposition does is “political”. I see from last week’s Attorney-General’s conference that even some of his lawyer friends have picked up the habit! Less cash, same culture So for most of us – even the Members of Parliament, to whom the Government is supposed to be accountable – Government finances are a mystery. We do not know – and we will not know, until we get into Government – the sort of mess we are going to have to clean up. But what is clearly in sight is the culture of how this Government spends money. It spends it on itself, for the benefit of its members and to make itself look good. Two days ago the director of one of Fiji’s most respected non-governmental organisations, FRIEND, spoke up again about how families in dire poverty are – again – going without food. We all know how FRIEND and other organisations in the Alliance for COVID-19 Humanitarian Response stepped in to help the families devastated by the initial Covid outbreak. The Government refused to work with them, listen to their views or respect the networks of knowledge they had built up. They instead embarked on their usual disastrous and inefficient cash and food handouts. As usual, they spent a lot of money and put a lot of pictures on Facebook – but stories were rife about how food went to the wrong places and how many people in need missed out. Now that tourism is starting up again, the Government’s eyes are focused only on that. They have forgotten that in the past two years thousands of people have been left behind and their jobs and livelihoods have not sprung back. And, of course, as soon as the borders opened, the Prime Minister took off to COP26. Now he is in Dubai. The Government has never opened up about how its ministers collect daily subsistence allowances of thousands of dollars, even while they say that $360 is enough to last a COVID-affected Fiji citizen for three months. This is a Government that pays itself lavish salaries and allowances, travels around in motorcades and pours money into QORVIS-funded propaganda. Their shameless use of the Government Facebook page to boost their failing political fortunes is only one more example of this. The new reality of near-bankruptcy has not changed the Government’s attitude. For this Government it is still all about them – and the priority is not to do good, but to look good. This is the culture the next government will have to change. It must fi rst focus on the small but important things that drive the culture of transparency and accountability. The NFP will: i) slash ministers’ salaries and allowances (II) and bring back a Parliamentary Emoluments Committee, made up of outsiders, to set these to a fair and realistic level. (III) We will cut out the motorcades, (IV) the money spent on propaganda and photo opportunities (V) and the Government resources consumed on image-making. We have to get back to the main focus – serving the people. In the end, it does not matter how hard the public servants work to save money or to raise it. If the politicians will not focus on what is important, nothing will change. PROF BIMAN PRASAD is leader of the National Federation Party. The views expressed in this article are not necessarily those of The Fiji Times
Fiji Labour Party has challenged the manner in which the re-registration was handled. It has called on the Attorney-General to investigate the matter. One wonders whether Minister Prasad’s motive in suggesting re-registration of de-registered NGOs is to seek the regularisation of GGI’s re-registration. There is also the case of the Fiji Institute of Applied Studies of which Biman Prasad was a director and Ganesh Chand chairman of Trustees which was also de-registered in March 2022 presumably for failure to submit audited accounts. Minister Prasad’s statement was made when talking to NGOs in Lautoka during his budget consultation trip last week. He said government can use NGOs to deliver services to the people more effectively. But we hope that the Minister is not going to re-register irresponsible de-registered entities that had failed over the years to be held accountable and trust them with public funds on the pretext of using their services (ie the GGI case) . It is critical that government funds are deployed to organisations with proven accountability. By virtue of his portfolio, the onus is on the Finance Minister to ensure accountability and transparency from all listed public entities including charitable and non-profit organisations. His actions must be above reproach. BACK from OBLIVION as NFP MP and COALITION CABINET MINISTERFrom Fijileaks Archive, 1 January 2015, PRASAD: 'Are you same, Agni?'Fijileaks: Prasad runs down Khaiyum but keeps Khaiyum's Permanent Secretary and makes a fool of himself by replicating Khaiyum's 'Budget consultation tours' legacy. |
LOBSTER and the LOBBYIST: BIMAN PRASAD should stick to gouging on expensive LOBSTERS (at the mouth-watering expensive Tikos seafood floating lifeboat restaurant at Stinson Parade Jetty and directly opposite Sukuna Park) instead of going on the Budget Tour Bus LOBBYING for Budget Inputs. |
SUNSET AFTER BUDGET: We have been reliably informed from inside the Coalition government that after the BUDGET, Sitiveni Rabuka will remove Prasad sideways to another Ministry in Cabinet Reshuffle
FLOATING IN POVERTY IN THE MIDST OF PLENTY
Fijileaks: We repeat that the alleged Sexual Pervert must be banished into oblivion until Mrs Taniguchi's Judicial Review case is over. He is refusing to admit or deny that he was the author of those lurid texts
ABOVE THE LAW: We have the Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister BIMAN PRASAD who has refused to step aside, or Rabuka forcing him to step aside, until his case for allegedly sexually insulting the modesty of the wife of his former election candidate Taniguchi has been decided by the acting Chief Justice, hearing the Judicial Review.
*Prasad's chairman of the FRC RICHARD NAIDU shamelessly repeats that he is 'a convicted lawyer' while giving two fingers to his case, reminiscent of the stooges of the East German dictatorship.
Fijileaks: The Coalition Government, if it deemed that it was necessary in the public interest to do so, had the discretion to engage any other recruitment agency to interview the applicants for PS positions, particularly in this case where the husband of a senior executive of KPMG was one of the applicants.
*While Mrs Chand may not be directly involved as her partner Mike Yee Joy is, the fact is they know each other very well as partners and close working colleagues in the same company.
*For example, the FFG had an annual contract with Fiji Sun but that did not prevent the FFG from advertising also in the Fiji Times if it deemed necessary in the public interest.
*In the case of KPMG, Parmesh Chand himself should have recognized this potential area of conflict of interest as regards his wife’s position and should have brought it to the attention of the Chairman, PSC or Rabuka so that a different agency was hired.
*But it is now obvious he deliberately withheld this information from both the Chairman, PSC and his line manager RABUKA.
CHAND should do the honorable thing and RESIGN.
*Basically, in future if you want any job in Government, stand as an election candidate, and if you lose but your party wins, you get the job.
A PR blitz justifying the recent appointment of permanent secretaries - including the whole of page 2 of today’s Fiji Times - reflects intense concern at the top of the Coalition government about being labelled no better than FijiFirst when it comes to cronyism and “jobs for the boys”.
The comments by the PSC Chair, Luke Rokovada, come in the wake of a strong backlash not only from the usual critics but from within the government itself, including the People’s Alliance. These dissenters are said to be both uncomfortable and embarrassed that the principle of “who you know” has clearly triumphed over merit and the principle of an independent civil service.
That disquiet applies especially to the Prime Minister, Sitiveni Rabuka, and the small team he has assembled around him, including the newly confirmed Permanent Secretaries for the Civil Service and the PM’s office – Parmesh Chand and Pita Wise. According to insiders, neither of them should have been appointed. And it has left the Prime Minister facing the same accusations of cronyism that plagued his predecessors, Frank Bainimarama and Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum.
Parmesh Chand had been permanent secretary in the prime minister’s office during the Bainimarama dictatorship until he was removed, like an army of others, after falling foul of the now ousted duumvirate. Even before he stood as a PAP candidate at the last election, Grubsheet understands that he tried to make a comeback but was rejected in his bid to return to the civil service under the former Public Service Commission headed by the ANZ banker, Vishnu Mohan.
Parmesh Chand later threw his weight behind Sitiveni Rabuka’s own comeback and has clearly been very valuable in allaying Indo-Fijian fears about Rabuka rooted in the trauma on 1987. But whatever his experience and talents, his critics say the fact that he stood for the PAP at the December election and failed to make the cut should have automatically excluded him from being in contention for a senior civil service post simply because he fails to meet the requirement to be apolitical. The same applies to Pita Wise – a long-time close ally of Sitiveni Rabuka, who followed his patron out of SODELPA and worked behind the scenes on the PAP election campaign.
These are demonstrably political appointments in direct contravention of Section 4 (f) of the Civil Service Act, which states that the civil service must be: "apolitical, performing its functions in a neutral, impartial and professional way."
Apolitical? Neutral? Impartial? None of these terms can be applied to Parmesh Chand and Pita Wise. And far from restoring the independence and professionalism of the civil service – one of its pre-election undertakings – the Coalition government is as guilty as FijiFirst of placing its own cronies and supporters in top positions.
An insider writes:
----------------------
“Parmesh Chand, as a failed People’s Alliance political candidate, should not have been considered. The reason they are called “permanent secretary” under the Westminster model which Fiji’s system of government is based on, is that they are career civil servants and apolitical. They are there to maintain neutral administrative governance throughout the duration of a particular government’s tenure, and when that government changes, to provide the required administrative transitioning support for a new government.
While Parmesh Chand and Pita Wise were once civil servants, their direct involvement with the People’s Alliance means that they do not meet the apolitical requirement. It’s not fair that public resources are being used on former civil servants who are not apolitical, removing the opportunity for career civil servants to progress their careers upwards.
Then there is the “Kama Sutra scandal” in the Prime Minister’s Office, in which information was leaked from the PMO concerning Pita Wise’s involvement with a staff member recruited after the Coalition win during a state-funded trip to Panama. This was with the full knowledge of the PM.
It is reflective of a level of decadence and moral turpitude that is allowed to thrive in the highest office of government. This is the only conclusion one can arrive at, when instead of an inquiry, the PM ensures that Pita Wise is confirmed in the post. Certainly, the taxpayers do not deserve this. Once more the machinery and mechanisms of government were used and cynically manipulated to confirm two of SLR’s favourite boys. It does not reflect well on the leadership and the organisational culture at the PMO and PSC”.
--------------------
Ouch.
The comments by the PSC Chair, Luke Rokovada, come in the wake of a strong backlash not only from the usual critics but from within the government itself, including the People’s Alliance. These dissenters are said to be both uncomfortable and embarrassed that the principle of “who you know” has clearly triumphed over merit and the principle of an independent civil service.
That disquiet applies especially to the Prime Minister, Sitiveni Rabuka, and the small team he has assembled around him, including the newly confirmed Permanent Secretaries for the Civil Service and the PM’s office – Parmesh Chand and Pita Wise. According to insiders, neither of them should have been appointed. And it has left the Prime Minister facing the same accusations of cronyism that plagued his predecessors, Frank Bainimarama and Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum.
Parmesh Chand had been permanent secretary in the prime minister’s office during the Bainimarama dictatorship until he was removed, like an army of others, after falling foul of the now ousted duumvirate. Even before he stood as a PAP candidate at the last election, Grubsheet understands that he tried to make a comeback but was rejected in his bid to return to the civil service under the former Public Service Commission headed by the ANZ banker, Vishnu Mohan.
Parmesh Chand later threw his weight behind Sitiveni Rabuka’s own comeback and has clearly been very valuable in allaying Indo-Fijian fears about Rabuka rooted in the trauma on 1987. But whatever his experience and talents, his critics say the fact that he stood for the PAP at the December election and failed to make the cut should have automatically excluded him from being in contention for a senior civil service post simply because he fails to meet the requirement to be apolitical. The same applies to Pita Wise – a long-time close ally of Sitiveni Rabuka, who followed his patron out of SODELPA and worked behind the scenes on the PAP election campaign.
These are demonstrably political appointments in direct contravention of Section 4 (f) of the Civil Service Act, which states that the civil service must be: "apolitical, performing its functions in a neutral, impartial and professional way."
Apolitical? Neutral? Impartial? None of these terms can be applied to Parmesh Chand and Pita Wise. And far from restoring the independence and professionalism of the civil service – one of its pre-election undertakings – the Coalition government is as guilty as FijiFirst of placing its own cronies and supporters in top positions.
An insider writes:
----------------------
“Parmesh Chand, as a failed People’s Alliance political candidate, should not have been considered. The reason they are called “permanent secretary” under the Westminster model which Fiji’s system of government is based on, is that they are career civil servants and apolitical. They are there to maintain neutral administrative governance throughout the duration of a particular government’s tenure, and when that government changes, to provide the required administrative transitioning support for a new government.
While Parmesh Chand and Pita Wise were once civil servants, their direct involvement with the People’s Alliance means that they do not meet the apolitical requirement. It’s not fair that public resources are being used on former civil servants who are not apolitical, removing the opportunity for career civil servants to progress their careers upwards.
Then there is the “Kama Sutra scandal” in the Prime Minister’s Office, in which information was leaked from the PMO concerning Pita Wise’s involvement with a staff member recruited after the Coalition win during a state-funded trip to Panama. This was with the full knowledge of the PM.
It is reflective of a level of decadence and moral turpitude that is allowed to thrive in the highest office of government. This is the only conclusion one can arrive at, when instead of an inquiry, the PM ensures that Pita Wise is confirmed in the post. Certainly, the taxpayers do not deserve this. Once more the machinery and mechanisms of government were used and cynically manipulated to confirm two of SLR’s favourite boys. It does not reflect well on the leadership and the organisational culture at the PMO and PSC”.
--------------------
Ouch.
*Did Parmesh Chand as the A/PS for PSC have the powers and authority to make such amendments, in relation to mandating retirement for all the civil servants at 60, exempting the Permanent Secretary?
*The Peoples Alliance (and all Opposition Parties) had it in its election manifesto to do away with contractual appointments and revert to permanent appointments or a career service.
*Similarly, all parties wanted the retirement age increased to 60. Since the Coalition formed the new Government, it is obligatory upon the Minister of the Public Service to submit a paper to Cabinet seeking approval of Cabinet to effect these changes through appropriate amendments to the PSC Act and Regulations, General Orders, etc.
*Only after this process has been completed then the PSC (Commissioners) will sit to take note and endorse the Cabinet decision, with appropriate Gazette notice, prior to the issue of the PSC Circular by the PS, announcing the changes, etc.
PSC Circular signed by Parmesh Chand on the 23 Jan 2023, amending the retirement age from 55 to 60 but applying to all civil servants below 60, EXCEPT for the Permanent Secretary, which enables political appointments like him and Peter Wise, who are over 60, to be confirmed into their position.
*The obvious beneficiary, signs the circular, but it still does not address the apolitical factor. It is written in a way that gives the Minister for Civil Service (Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka), the powers to appoint any one over 60.
Fijileaks: Now that the late Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase has revealed the identity of the current PAP Coalition Cabinet Minister in his book PRISONER 302, we will bring the story to you as soon as possible.
*For 16 years we had jealously guarded the Cabinet Minister's identity. Ironically, if Raju's claims are to be believed, how could Parmesh Chand be appointed PS for Civil Service and Public Enterprise?
POLITICAL REWARD: The failed PAP candidate PARMESH CHAND has been appointed PS for Civil Service and Public Enterprise. Under the Bainimarama government, such appointment would have been branded nepotism, cronyism, and outright corruption.
But as the African dictators supporters will claim, 'It Is Our Time to Eat'.
*It seems that giving KPMG the contract to recruit Permanent Secretaries was all a facade to give the public the appearance that the recruitment process was done independently and transparently.
*But if you have the wife of Parmesh Chand, an applicant for the job of PS for Public Service, serving as a senior KPMG staff, what guarantee is there that KPMG was not unduly influenced by the PSC in carrying out the interview and assessment process?
*Why did the Coalition not call for tenders as normal government procedure requires, instead of just following precedents set by Aiyaz Khaiyum and the FFG in awarding contracts to Aliz Pacific without advertisement (like Rewa Dairy consultancy and Processing of FFG Ministerial Salaries (from 2009 to 2014)?
*Surely, the Coalition Government would have been aware of the current scandal that KPMG (Correction, PWC) Australia is involved in with the Australian Government to alert them to advertise for tenders as required under the Finance Management Act?
*Thus the reappointment of not only Parmesh Chand and Peter Wise and also of former ex- military colleagues of Rabuka like Lesi Korovavala and Mason Smith (and the new PRUN, especially when we were told that there were hundreds of applications) could have been very well orchestrated from the Transition Team at PM’s Office
"In my first Zoom meeting with the SMT, I witnessed an event that still haunts me. I saw one DVC suddenly explode in a meeting, shout ‘Bxxxxxd’, and then throw a punch at the face of a Head of School and in the process narrowly missing a female member of staff who was sitting in between. If it had not been for DVC Paunga who instantly intervened to separate the parties, it would have been more unpleasant. I have reflected on this event and how the female staff were just expected to put up with this without even an apology. The subsequent handling of this event was such that the Head of School stepped down, but the DVC remains in his post...On speaking with others this person has had explosive outbursts before in other social situations. They need anger management support and probably psychological counselling. However, the upshot of this event has meant this particular DVC is now ‘beholden’ to the VCP in gratitude for his lenient treatment."
Janusz Jankowski to USP Council, 16 May 2023
Fijileaks: We suggest that PAP-NFP'S 'Election Poster Boy' (whose deportation was exploited for electoral gain and who has never stopped since being allowed back into Fiji from praising the 'Power of One Vote' and how great Rabuka is as Prime Minister) be suspended as Vice-Chancellor and President, outstanding grants and payments be withheld until a full inquiry is completed into Jankowski's allegations to the USP Council. Also, Ahluwalia is yet to respond to our questions regarding Biman Prasad's wife Rajni Chand's link to the Global Girmit Institute and the USP hosting the two-day international conference at the USP, where Ahluwalia was Chief Guest Speaker.
*We had supported Ahluwalia during his fight with the FFP government and had published all the leaked documents authored by Ahluwalia.
*We cannot allow the 'Power of One Vote' to dismiss JANKOWSKI's litany of complains against PAL AHLUWALIA
*At the very least he [PAL AHLUWALIA] has probably not met his basic KPI’s. There is also evidence for investigation suggesting ineptitude, lack of professionalism, lack of accountability, gross lack of transparency, and perhaps even integrity too. This latter characteristic is something the VCP has made his “sword of honour”, but it is right that the wider facts are investigated to constructively challenge this compensatory narcissistic narrative. |
"This paper serves to inform and seek appropriate action from the Council. The paper highlights serious issues, concerns, and breaches with both USP policies and procedures as well as perhaps also Fiji Criminal and Employment Relations Acts....Contracts have been made with external bodies and they have not been honoured by the VCP without a major fight from me."
*One is the ongoing issue with the University of Bergen in Norway where vulnerable students are being deprived of their dependence allowance. This has already caused major stress, angry responses, and reputational damage to USP from staff and students alike.
*I have seen threats of ‘exceptional audits’ used to [in] a punitive way to senior directors to intimidate them.
*All the key metrics of financial health, student numbers, staff vacancies, staff welfare, student experience and support are heading in the wrong direction, but this data is not being included in the version I managed to get access to. I have been told by an executive preparing the report, 'that the council only expect to see a 'positive PR document''. Furthermore, there is written evidence that the Secretary to the Council and Senate Secretariat is actively suppressing information from the staff committee from getting into the Council report. I have been asked to ensure you get these documents unadulterated.
SACKED Professor Janusz Jankowski to USP Council, 16 MAY 2023
From Professor Janusz Jankowski
Dear Hon. Hilda Heine and Prof Walsh,
I write to inform you of my formal submission of a series of complaints under the University of the South Pacific ‘Whistleblowing Policy’.
I have been in consultation with The Chair and deputy Chair of the USP Council on two previous occasions in March and April 2023.
I have reflected on these communications carefully and it appears there are no other options left to me other than activate this avenue of progression.
Despite my many attempts to ‘mend fences’ in a diplomatic way, there have unfortunately been further, and very worrisome, developments. In the last few weeks, I have also received many additional desperate communications from staff and students since we last spoke.
Far from things improving there have been no SMT meetings for 2 months and despite requests I have had no direct email from the VCP of any kind in over 7 weeks. I have reached out several times to improve communication, but my attempts have gone unanswered (with only one brief 2-word patronising response on Friday).
Background
This paper serves to inform and seek appropriate action from the Council. The paper highlights serious issues, concerns, and breaches with both USP policies and procedures as well as perhaps also Fiji Criminal and Employment Relations Acts.
Issues
Given the integrity of the Secretariat of the Council and Senate is also in question, please can this email be sent directly to the appropriate council members, as you see fit.
If the council wish me to step back, I am open to consider this. However, I have worked on the basis that the Council will want to have sight of the ‘dishonouring’ of the laudable USP ethos and founding principles. The reputation of USP has suffered under the current leadership and is likely to deteriorate further.
I am passionate to empower the Peoples of the Pacific nations and have already been impressed by their wish to find vital regional and global impacts from their own collective endeavour. There are so many superb Pacific Islanders here that deserve a chance to excel and progress with the right collegiate, and transparent leadership.
I feel personally very vulnerable. My predecessor left abruptly at the hands of the current VCP, and from the media and staff I have spoken with, he did his job well. Secondly, I have already been targeted by the VCP for trying to engender more transparency at USP, specifically in his email ‘I am concerned that Janusz is raising…’ [24th April 4.43pm]. Third, I am now spending most of my time trying to deal with the mess left to me by the VCP. My dealings with the Council have not yet convinced me that they, in turn, ‘have my back’.
I would appreciate this report is acknowledged and I understand what the next steps are please? Given the time before council I have not had time to prepare a complete dossier but if even a fraction of this were true it would merit investigation and intervention.
Options for the Council regarding the VCP.
a. Do Nothing. Do nothing and carry on hoping against all the evidence that the situation will improve? This will merely prove to the USP community that the VCP now has complete impunity and can continue to ‘double-down’ on his methods. Indeed, there is already evidence of this, as I have already raised issues with the council, and I have been reassured the VCP has been spoken to. Each time there has been no improvement, but instead a further worsening of his actions.
b. Discipline and Remove the VCP. I am a practicing Justice of the Peace in the UK. I have looked at the USP policies and there is more than enough in this report and other documents submitted to the Council to indicate a case to answer. At the very least he has probably not met his basic KPI’s. There is also evidence for investigation suggesting ineptitude, lack of professionalism, lack of accountability, gross lack of transparency, and perhaps even integrity too. This latter characteristic is something the VCP has made his “sword of honour”, but it is right that the wider facts are investigated to constructively challenge this compensatory narcissistic narrative.
c. Wait until I arrive in person at USP at the end of June. How does this strategy help USP and me? It merely transfers all the burden to a later date. I am in a stronger position now to raise these issues from afar. When I arrive my room for manoeuvre will be controlled on a daily basis by the chaos and micromanagement. I may myself be subjected to found less accusations, as has happened to others.
d. Transition to a new Leadership Structure now. This is the preferred option by the USP community. I am personally not in favour of the VCPs immediate removal, but I think his role should change from executive lead to a ‘titular title’ only role in June. It allows him a compassionate transition period to reflect on his next steps away from USP, including recovery from his own traumas. However, there needs to be a separate leadership team chaired by someone else, perhaps in a ‘Provost pro tem’ role, to allow effective governance and business of USP to continue. The VCP should them step down next year when his contract expires. This new leadership team should include the current SMT and all directors, as well as the staff and student reps.
Suggestions to improve matters.
a. These allegations need formal investigation and statements could be collected from the SMT, Directors and Head of School, as well as RO staff.
b. There needs a formal investigation of the incident of gross misconduct in the SMT. Psychological help may also be necessary for the defendant and the recipient as well as witnesses.
c. The SMT is not functioning and has no clear leadership. We need an acting Provost to act in a collegiate way to pull the strands together. DVC Paunga, and I could share this role temporarily. The VCP has lost the confidence of many at USP at all levels. There is inadequate accountability and challenge from either the Executive SMT or the University Senate. For example, in these fora when I have raised issues of;
On each occasion I was told explicitly 'that it was not helpful to raise these matters' by the VCP. By 'direct chat function' in Zoom many faculty have sent supportive messages that i was raising issues that should have been managed before. Many made it clear, however, they felt uncomfortable to speak out.
d. The SMT needs to be expanded to include a wider cohort including the Directors too as well as student and staff rep.
e. The Senate is toothless and does not hold the VCP or the SMT to account. This body needs to be able to vote anonymously and register satisfaction and even raise a vote of confidence on issues and people. Need for Open Staff Question and Answer sessions by the SMT (at the end of the Senate). The Senate needs to allow more constructive challenge in its discourse instead of more micromanagement. The SMT has failed to act as a check and balance to the VC and in turn the senate has failed to act as a check and balance to the SMT. The faculty don't have a proper voice, and many have left, with more planning to leave. One particular pressing area is the need for an effective strategy to manage student enrolment. There is also a dramatic fall in student enrolment in 2023 down by 5-10% so this will adversely affect income, and morale further. Why did we only find this out at the end of the first semester? What plans are in place to adapt, improve, and monitor progress for the student intake for 2024? There isn't a transparent strategy to deal with these things above and we aren't even measuring them diligently. "You change what you measure".
f. There is no transparency on the documents that are passed to the Council. I have been told that certain documents have been sent as regards student numbers, PhD completions finances but these have not been shared or discussed with my colleagues and me.
g. What welfare and protection can I expect and from whom? In my 4 months working 50% remotely I have witnessed gross misconduct in the form of expletives and violence at the USP most executive board, seen women treated as second class citizens, seem coercion and intimidation used in several fora, had 2 contracts issued and then rescinded, been implicated in wrongdoing for raising transparency, seen financial mismanagement of several fronts, seen documents doctored to avoid full transparency.
h. the staff need urgent welfare and wellbeing support.
i. the teaching loads are excessive with consequential poor student experiences. More staff are needed.
j. we need contacts that are longer term to attract faculty.
k. we need a staff development budget for all not just the VCP.
l. there needs to be an annual appraisal process to equitably manage the workload.
m. females are treated as second class employees we need a PVC for EDI
n. we need anonymised 360-degree reviews of ALL senior management.
I feel traumatised by these events, and I have not mentioned them all. This is just the tip of the iceberg. I have been retraumatised by writing this whistleblowing Report, having to relive all the injustices to the USP staff and students. The question that arises is, how complicit the board is now that I have made these allegations? Where is the open dialogue, strategy and collegiate team building to rectify this. The financial situation is also in no part due to the tumultuous fight with the previous Fiji government. Many are left wondering was the USP regime then any worse than the current one, financially we are in dire straits, and this continues to slide.
Many of us have little trust in the VCP. If a staff survey were done it would be insightful for you. Without some structural change I will merely become another casualty of managerial narcissism at USP. Many people feel like this but are afraid to speak up. I have been challenged by the USP community to be their voice. It has been a tremendous pressure writing this report. I have spoken with several senior leaders at USP, and they have agreed that my report is very accurate, they are afraid to speak up, but will corroborate many aspects when your formal investigation starts. One key quote for you, as the wider Council to reflect upon from a very experienced USP leader is; “Janusz, this whistleblowing report is very accurate, and there is much more to be exposed! The issue isn’t the merely the points you raise, but how much the Council care enough to listen and actually do anything.”
As a whistle-blower, what protections will the Council afford to me please?
What are the Council going to do to alleviate this burden for USP, especially the lack of adequate leadership by the VCP please?
Yours sincerely
16th May 10am BST (9pm Pacific Time)
Prof Janusz Jankowski JP
MBChB MSc MD PhD PGCM PGCE AGAF FRCP FACG SFHEA
Dear Hon. Hilda Heine and Prof Walsh,
I write to inform you of my formal submission of a series of complaints under the University of the South Pacific ‘Whistleblowing Policy’.
I have been in consultation with The Chair and deputy Chair of the USP Council on two previous occasions in March and April 2023.
I have reflected on these communications carefully and it appears there are no other options left to me other than activate this avenue of progression.
Despite my many attempts to ‘mend fences’ in a diplomatic way, there have unfortunately been further, and very worrisome, developments. In the last few weeks, I have also received many additional desperate communications from staff and students since we last spoke.
Far from things improving there have been no SMT meetings for 2 months and despite requests I have had no direct email from the VCP of any kind in over 7 weeks. I have reached out several times to improve communication, but my attempts have gone unanswered (with only one brief 2-word patronising response on Friday).
Background
This paper serves to inform and seek appropriate action from the Council. The paper highlights serious issues, concerns, and breaches with both USP policies and procedures as well as perhaps also Fiji Criminal and Employment Relations Acts.
Issues
- Lack of Governance
- Contracts have been made with external bodies and they have not been honoured by the VCP without a major fight from me.
- One is the ongoing issue with the University of Bergen in Norway where vulnerable students are being deprived of their dependence allowance. This has already caused major stress, angry responses, and reputational damage to USP from staff and students alike (see appendix 1).
- My own contract and work visa has turned into a complete fiasco (see appendix 2).
- Finance. With lack of due process unpredictable holes open continuously in the USP budgets.
- N-POC Costs. Due to the lack of adequate budgeting from the VCP despite being copied into the appropriate emails there is now a need to find F$785,000 dollars over the next 3 years.
- ‘Ineligible Expenses’. Due to lack of adequate budgeting and oversight I have been informed several donors have audited USP accounts and may withhold or request returning funding of between F$0.25m – F$1m over the next year. [this is an estimate as we don’t have any facts to discuss at the SMT yet].
- Student numbers. What is the USP strategy to deal with falling student numbers?
- Lack of Accountability
- VCP attributes blame to others.
- N-POC lack of governance blame was attributed to the Research Office and DVC Paunga, despite the fact the VCP was the accountable officer.
- Storm damage lack of insurance was attributed to DVC Paunga despite the fact the VCP was the accountable officer and had not prepared adequate risk registers for USP.
- Absence of my contract completion attributed to the HR Team, despite the VCP’s micromanagement of the process.
- Absence of adequate USP finances on VCPs deportation and Fiji Government budget loss, despite the fact there is no coherent strategy to grow the budget. Once certainly hasn’t been shared with me or the SMT.
- Absence of adequate research income on my predecessor the DVC RI, despite evidence to the contrary.
- Lack of constructive challenge allowed.
- I have been told that raising governance issues at the SMT and Senate was ‘not helpful’ by the VCP.
- The VCP then blames me for bringing his own errors to his attention by saying ‘I am also concerned that Janusz, who does not have the full picture, is raising this in various forums as a failure of USP to honour its commitments.’
- VCP attributes blame to others.
- Breach of HR Policies and Welfare by VCP
- ‘Poison spread’ about his colleagues.
- I have been written to and told that arguably the most successful academic in terms of outputs, grants and networks was ‘manipulative’.
- I have been told certain staff in the Research Office are inadequate for their purpose and should be replaced asap, despite evidence to the contrary.
- I have been told that the entire HR function of USP is unfit for its purpose, even though the VCP micromanages every process in HR.
- I have heard my predecessors described as ‘corrupt’ (paraphrased) in meetings at least once.
- Welfare of staff neglected.
- I have received emails and verbal communications from staff indicating that their mental health has suffered either indirectly or directly from the VCPs actions. In some cases, there is a real feeling of desperation and emotional distress with real concerns of self-harm. Yet in many cases these issues have gone unanswered by the VCP and his team for years.
- Coercive behaviour.
- I have been told by the VCP in front of other witnesses ‘that complete loyalty is expected, or else I should consider whether I come to USP’.
- I have seen threats of ‘exceptional audits’ used to [in] a punitive way to senior directors to intimidate them.
- I have read emails, accusatory in tone, where middle grade staff in the Research Office have felt anxious and intimidated by VCP.
- Nepotism in the handling of gross misconduct.
- In my first Zoom meeting with the SMT I witnessed an event that still haunts me. I saw one DVC suddenly explode in a meeting shout ‘Bxxxxxd’ and then throw a punch at the face of a Head of School and in the process narrowly missing a female member of staff who was sitting in between. If it had not been for DVC Paunga who instantly intervened to separate the parties, it would have been more unpleasant. I have reflected on this event and how the female staff were just expected to put up with this without even an apology. The subsequent handling of this event was such that the Head of School stepped down, but the DVC remains in his post. There has been no transparent handling or due process followed, were told that this incident would be handled in the ‘annual appraisal’ process. This is clearly woefully inadequate response and many including myself felt this process has been misogynistic, nepotistic, and perhaps even racist in tone. On speaking with others this person has had explosive outbursts before in other social situations. They need anger management support and probably psychological counselling. However, the upshot of this event has meant this particular DVC is now ‘beholden’ to the VCP in gratitude for his lenient treatment. This is also apparent in the cronyism style of management of other controversial areas such as the “N-POC Dependency Allowance Debacle”.
- ‘Poison spread’ about his colleagues.
- Leadership Personality and Integrity
- Persona. Many view the VCP are either incapable and/or unwilling to discharge his duties in a transparent, effective, and collegiate fashion. Any trauma from his prior disputes and deportation cannot alone account for such actions, particularly the recent ‘doubling-down’ of his behaviour. The level of trust is no longer sustainable.
- Lack of action. There is a real disconnect between what is said to be valued and what actually happens. One area where this is particularly evidence is in the progression of female staff which remains exceptionally low. Currently in the SMT there is only one female executive (and she was nearly punched in an SMT meeting). I have seen no strategy remedy this and have been told by the VCP to ‘wait until I am there to act’.
- Capricious change in decisions. The VCP has threatened several staff with oaths of loyalty (myself included), punitive audits, restricted travel in quite unsettling ways. People can feel a little uncomfortable around the VCP, myself included.
- Lack of training leave and hypocrisy . I was told explicitly several months ago, that USP did not have a Professional development scheme (witnessed again by others). I was denied support for a Psychological Coaching course to help deal with difficult management conversations already prebooked for 2024. In fact, USP has developed a policy for Professional Development Leave for SMT members on the 2nd of March 2016. This policy provides the VCP and SMT members the principles that support and encourage their professional development as an integral component of employment. I have since learnt that the VCP had over $20,000 of per diem paid for professional development himself on one occasion alone and had used withholding reimbursement of this as an item of complaint against the previous PC. This counselling course would help me deal in ways with troubled managers needing bespoke psychological approaches.
- Lack of Transparency.
- The annual report that is being prepared for the Council, by the VCP and his acolytes, is currently just 'smoke and mirrors' and lacks objectivity, excluding any negative data. All the key metrics of financial health, student numbers, staff vacancies, staff welfare, student experience and support are heading in the wrong direction, but this data is not being included in the version I managed to get access to. I have been told by an executive preparing the report, 'that the council only expect to see a 'positive PR document''. Furthermore, there is written evidence that the Secretary to the Council and Senate Secretariat is actively suppressing information from the staff committee from getting into the Council report. I have been asked to ensure you get these documents unadulterated.
- There have been no Senior Management Team meetings for 2 months. I still haven’t seen the minutes of this meeting despite requesting them. Several of the SMT members requested a formal vote so that any subsequent decisions the VCP tool could be reconciled with the objective cadre of support by the SMT.
- The Senate meetings are coercive. I was told that raising issues of student numbers, PhD completion rates, lack of any staff survey for at least 5 years ‘was unhelpful’ by the VCP. During the senate meeting several staff members silently sent me supportive messages by the chat function, but indicated they were too intimidated to speak out. One issue the VCP touted was that he ‘made no compulsory redundancies’ but on the chat function I was reliably told many people left under his regime. “The vacancy rate is increasing and left the staff and the students with an unenviable student to staff ration of ~ 36 to 1. The University needs a total overhaul, and many will agree...”
- I have had only one 1 to 1 meeting with the VCP since early February.
- Missed KPIs for VCP for 2019-2024.
- The SMT was to be changed to be accountable, effective, and transparent. Failed from what I see.
- Strengthen the HR function. Failed from what I see.
- Improved Audit and Risk Reporting. Failed from what I see.
- Improved relationships with stakeholders. Failed according to those I have dealt with thus far.
- Financial Targets. Failed isn’t enough to explain how bad it really is, with basic fabric of the buildings unsuitable.
Given the integrity of the Secretariat of the Council and Senate is also in question, please can this email be sent directly to the appropriate council members, as you see fit.
If the council wish me to step back, I am open to consider this. However, I have worked on the basis that the Council will want to have sight of the ‘dishonouring’ of the laudable USP ethos and founding principles. The reputation of USP has suffered under the current leadership and is likely to deteriorate further.
I am passionate to empower the Peoples of the Pacific nations and have already been impressed by their wish to find vital regional and global impacts from their own collective endeavour. There are so many superb Pacific Islanders here that deserve a chance to excel and progress with the right collegiate, and transparent leadership.
I feel personally very vulnerable. My predecessor left abruptly at the hands of the current VCP, and from the media and staff I have spoken with, he did his job well. Secondly, I have already been targeted by the VCP for trying to engender more transparency at USP, specifically in his email ‘I am concerned that Janusz is raising…’ [24th April 4.43pm]. Third, I am now spending most of my time trying to deal with the mess left to me by the VCP. My dealings with the Council have not yet convinced me that they, in turn, ‘have my back’.
I would appreciate this report is acknowledged and I understand what the next steps are please? Given the time before council I have not had time to prepare a complete dossier but if even a fraction of this were true it would merit investigation and intervention.
Options for the Council regarding the VCP.
a. Do Nothing. Do nothing and carry on hoping against all the evidence that the situation will improve? This will merely prove to the USP community that the VCP now has complete impunity and can continue to ‘double-down’ on his methods. Indeed, there is already evidence of this, as I have already raised issues with the council, and I have been reassured the VCP has been spoken to. Each time there has been no improvement, but instead a further worsening of his actions.
b. Discipline and Remove the VCP. I am a practicing Justice of the Peace in the UK. I have looked at the USP policies and there is more than enough in this report and other documents submitted to the Council to indicate a case to answer. At the very least he has probably not met his basic KPI’s. There is also evidence for investigation suggesting ineptitude, lack of professionalism, lack of accountability, gross lack of transparency, and perhaps even integrity too. This latter characteristic is something the VCP has made his “sword of honour”, but it is right that the wider facts are investigated to constructively challenge this compensatory narcissistic narrative.
c. Wait until I arrive in person at USP at the end of June. How does this strategy help USP and me? It merely transfers all the burden to a later date. I am in a stronger position now to raise these issues from afar. When I arrive my room for manoeuvre will be controlled on a daily basis by the chaos and micromanagement. I may myself be subjected to found less accusations, as has happened to others.
d. Transition to a new Leadership Structure now. This is the preferred option by the USP community. I am personally not in favour of the VCPs immediate removal, but I think his role should change from executive lead to a ‘titular title’ only role in June. It allows him a compassionate transition period to reflect on his next steps away from USP, including recovery from his own traumas. However, there needs to be a separate leadership team chaired by someone else, perhaps in a ‘Provost pro tem’ role, to allow effective governance and business of USP to continue. The VCP should them step down next year when his contract expires. This new leadership team should include the current SMT and all directors, as well as the staff and student reps.
Suggestions to improve matters.
a. These allegations need formal investigation and statements could be collected from the SMT, Directors and Head of School, as well as RO staff.
b. There needs a formal investigation of the incident of gross misconduct in the SMT. Psychological help may also be necessary for the defendant and the recipient as well as witnesses.
c. The SMT is not functioning and has no clear leadership. We need an acting Provost to act in a collegiate way to pull the strands together. DVC Paunga, and I could share this role temporarily. The VCP has lost the confidence of many at USP at all levels. There is inadequate accountability and challenge from either the Executive SMT or the University Senate. For example, in these fora when I have raised issues of;
- failure of progression of female staff (~30%),
- failure of employability of our students (~52%),
- poor student to staff ratios (~36 to 1),
- poor international students <1%
- poor PhD completion rates of 20-30% and
- failure to honour signed contracts (personal contracts as well as major international contracts).
On each occasion I was told explicitly 'that it was not helpful to raise these matters' by the VCP. By 'direct chat function' in Zoom many faculty have sent supportive messages that i was raising issues that should have been managed before. Many made it clear, however, they felt uncomfortable to speak out.
d. The SMT needs to be expanded to include a wider cohort including the Directors too as well as student and staff rep.
e. The Senate is toothless and does not hold the VCP or the SMT to account. This body needs to be able to vote anonymously and register satisfaction and even raise a vote of confidence on issues and people. Need for Open Staff Question and Answer sessions by the SMT (at the end of the Senate). The Senate needs to allow more constructive challenge in its discourse instead of more micromanagement. The SMT has failed to act as a check and balance to the VC and in turn the senate has failed to act as a check and balance to the SMT. The faculty don't have a proper voice, and many have left, with more planning to leave. One particular pressing area is the need for an effective strategy to manage student enrolment. There is also a dramatic fall in student enrolment in 2023 down by 5-10% so this will adversely affect income, and morale further. Why did we only find this out at the end of the first semester? What plans are in place to adapt, improve, and monitor progress for the student intake for 2024? There isn't a transparent strategy to deal with these things above and we aren't even measuring them diligently. "You change what you measure".
f. There is no transparency on the documents that are passed to the Council. I have been told that certain documents have been sent as regards student numbers, PhD completions finances but these have not been shared or discussed with my colleagues and me.
g. What welfare and protection can I expect and from whom? In my 4 months working 50% remotely I have witnessed gross misconduct in the form of expletives and violence at the USP most executive board, seen women treated as second class citizens, seem coercion and intimidation used in several fora, had 2 contracts issued and then rescinded, been implicated in wrongdoing for raising transparency, seen financial mismanagement of several fronts, seen documents doctored to avoid full transparency.
h. the staff need urgent welfare and wellbeing support.
i. the teaching loads are excessive with consequential poor student experiences. More staff are needed.
j. we need contacts that are longer term to attract faculty.
k. we need a staff development budget for all not just the VCP.
l. there needs to be an annual appraisal process to equitably manage the workload.
m. females are treated as second class employees we need a PVC for EDI
n. we need anonymised 360-degree reviews of ALL senior management.
I feel traumatised by these events, and I have not mentioned them all. This is just the tip of the iceberg. I have been retraumatised by writing this whistleblowing Report, having to relive all the injustices to the USP staff and students. The question that arises is, how complicit the board is now that I have made these allegations? Where is the open dialogue, strategy and collegiate team building to rectify this. The financial situation is also in no part due to the tumultuous fight with the previous Fiji government. Many are left wondering was the USP regime then any worse than the current one, financially we are in dire straits, and this continues to slide.
Many of us have little trust in the VCP. If a staff survey were done it would be insightful for you. Without some structural change I will merely become another casualty of managerial narcissism at USP. Many people feel like this but are afraid to speak up. I have been challenged by the USP community to be their voice. It has been a tremendous pressure writing this report. I have spoken with several senior leaders at USP, and they have agreed that my report is very accurate, they are afraid to speak up, but will corroborate many aspects when your formal investigation starts. One key quote for you, as the wider Council to reflect upon from a very experienced USP leader is; “Janusz, this whistleblowing report is very accurate, and there is much more to be exposed! The issue isn’t the merely the points you raise, but how much the Council care enough to listen and actually do anything.”
As a whistle-blower, what protections will the Council afford to me please?
What are the Council going to do to alleviate this burden for USP, especially the lack of adequate leadership by the VCP please?
Yours sincerely
16th May 10am BST (9pm Pacific Time)
Prof Janusz Jankowski JP
MBChB MSc MD PhD PGCM PGCE AGAF FRCP FACG SFHEA
Fijileaks: Log of USP Contract for J Jankowski
- Contacted by HH’s to consider post March 2022.
- Shortlisted and interview September 2022.
- Offer letter 4th October 2022.
- 20 emails of exchange documents and visa paperwork completed October 2022
- Council appointment 13th November with 5 documents exchanged for press.
- 29th November first version of contract issued.
- 10 emails regarding clarification of travel and clinical work in December
- January 17th 2023 signed the consultancy and the main contract.
- 3rd February 2023 I was informed the USP had unilaterally rescinded my original contract and wanted me to sign a less advantageous contact for 3.7 years instead of the previous 5-year period.
- During this time, I have been requested to submit ALL my documents three times; first to the HR director, then to the new HR officer counter signed by a Justice of the Peace and yet again in February by a notary public.
- Since the original contract was unilaterally rescinded by USP I have understandably become more cautious. In the current contract I have asked that the appropriate email concessions are made explicit in the revised contract to avoid further confusion. These include premium economy travel to and from work, clarification of remote working periods to be with my son during his exams and again during his A-level results (as promised), correcting the revised employer superannuation from 6% to 7% (as promised), ensuring the supplied vehicle is registered and has road insurance (as promised), ensuring there is an annual training budget to maintain skills and annual budget to be provided (as promised), for agreed clinic time medical practice allowance to be provided in day time hours to suit patients (as promised), USP to actively support communication with the medical registration authorities to enable my registration to be completed (as promised), to be allowed to maintain current UK board commitments on a remote basis (as promised), to be provided with a prepaid sim card, phone and laptop for exclusive USP work (as promised).
- In March it was agreed I could start face to face in June 2023. This was subsequently rescinded a week later unilaterally.
- Final Modified Contract sent to me on Monday 13th March with corrections.
- Email 3.19 am with an ultimatum to sign the contract by 8am the same day.
- Contract signed same day.
- 28th March I was told my medical report had expired and I needed to go through the whole long medical report submission procedure again. On the same day I queried this and asked to see the regulations. None were ever forwarded.
- 3rd of April I informed HR my 3-month remote contract was due to expire on the 16th.
- 4th April HR indicated my Medical Report had expired as it was submitted on the 11th of November 2022, 3-month window apparently. I indicated that it was Easter, and my doctor was away for 2 weeks.
- 11th of April. I wrote to HR [to] ask if the original medical report could be counter signed to prevent delays. No response was ever received.
- 13th of April a month contract extension granted to mid-May instead of until 22nd June when I have agreed to arrive in person, and this has been agreed and witnessed by USP. I have queried this twice.
- 17th April UK time in the middle of emails my account locked with no warning.
- When I queried this, I was told that this was because I have not signed the 1-month extension. So, I was ‘locked out’ without warning from my USP accounts for 7.5days.
- 24th April new contract issues. Some dates were still wrong that I had to change by hand.
- I remained lock out of USP permissions for another 2 days. My diary appointments were lost, and I was unable to undertake several internal and external meetings.
- 28th April Medical report resubmitted with another signature from my GP.
- 3rd May HR mentioned they needed another stamp.
- 3rd of May medical report with new stamp resubmitted to HR.
- As of Friday the 12th of May, no documents have been submitted at any time by USP to the Fiji Government for my work permit.
- Fijileaks: Whistleblower Jankowski is SACKED by Ahluwalia on 26 May 2023.
www.fijileaks.com/home/uspgate-usp-staff-report-and-recommendations-to-council-lay-bare-dysfunctional-state-of-affairs-under-vc-ahluwalia-staff-departures-indicate-usp-no-longer-employer-of-choice-for-regionals-or-expatriates
Fijileaks, Coming soon: GEORGE SPEIGHT cannot be considered for freedom, for he CHOSE LIFE IMPRISONMENT instead of being HANGED by the NECK FOR TREASON. He cannot be pardoned twice for Treason.
On 18 February 2002 Speight pleaded guilty to treason and was sentenced to death. The sentence was commuted to life imprisonment the same day by the late President Ratu Josefa Iloilo
*SPOILED RATU SUKUNA DAY PARTY: Ratu Sukuna Day in 2000 was to be celebrated on 30 May, the death anniversary of Sukuna. The celebration was marred by Speight's coup on 19 May, which led to the dismissal of the Chaudhry government on 27 May. On Ratu Sukuna Day, Fijians of all races woke up to hear of the military takeover the night before, in the wake of the forced resignation of the President, Ratu Sir Kamisese Mara.
*We were shocked the GCC didn't apologise recently for colluding with George Speight and his criminal gangsters in the removal of Ratu Mara.
"In my mind what else could be a substantially grave offence than to incite a mutiny that resulted in deaths of soldiers and serious injuries to others. Your disaffection towards the Commander was a personal matter. You put others' lives at risk for your personal agenda...The title of Qaranivalu was bestowed to you to bring honour to your people. Instead you have brought them disgrace. Your action was deliberate and calculated. The consequences of your action were catastrophic. You expressed no remorse for your crime apart from your counsel's plea for mercy. Remorse is an expression of accepting responsibility for your conduct. You may have sought forgiveness from the victims, but forgiveness without accepting responsibility, is not a genuine acknowledgement of contrition. By not accepting any responsibility for your crime, you have deprived yourself of credit that is given to offenders who express remorse. In the exercise of my discretion I sentence you to life imprisonment."
Justice Daniel Goundar, sentencing Ratu Inoke Takiveikata
Ratu Inoke Takiveikata, you stand before this court, convicted of inciting to mutiny after trial. I do not hold against you that you exercised your right to a trial. Like any other citizen, you were tried in accordance with the law.
You expressed no remorse for your crime apart from your counsel's plea for mercy. Remorse is an expression of accepting responsibility for your conduct. You may have sought forgiveness from the victims, but forgiveness without accepting responsibility, is not a genuine acknowledgement of contrition. By not accepting any responsibility for your crime, you have deprived yourself of credit that is given to offenders who express remorse.
Inciting to mutiny is a serious offence. A person convicted of this offence is liable to be imprisoned for life. The life imprisonment is discretionary.
The incitement that occurred in this case is serious. You urged two military officers belonging to CRW Unit to remove the Commander of RFMF by taking over the military barracks. One of the officers, Shane Stevens was a senior military officer who managed to team up a group of soldiers to turn against their own Commander.
On 2 November 2000, Stevens and his team attempted to takeover the military barracks. Soldiers loyal to the Commander resisted the takeover. There was a cross-fire exchanged between the loyalist and the rebellion soldiers at the military barracks.
As a result of the cross-fire, eight soldiers were killed, eighteen soldiers were hospitalized with serious gunshot injuries and two civilians were injured outside the barracks from stray projectiles.
In your first trial, you were sentenced by Gates J (as he was then) to life imprisonment for this office. His Lordship took the view that your sentence should not be any different from the sentence imposed on Stevens who you had incited. The plan to use CRW soldiers to remove the Commander was your brain child. The reason you targeted the CRW soldiers is because you already knew some of them had rebelled against the military authority during the George Speight coup.
In this re-trial, evidence was led that the strategy for the takeover was left to Stevens to devise. Bonafasio whom you also incited said in his evidence that you did not want any bloodshed. That may be so, but, you must have realised that forceful removal of the head of military authority cannot occur without resistance. Stevens disclosed to you the strategy he was going to use to execute the takeover and you agreed to provide arms and civilian support. You agreed to use your chiefly status as the Qaranivalu to gather support from your people to go to the barracks when Stevens was going to execute the takeover.
You may have been driven to incite Stevens because of concerns expressed to you by your people about the conduct of the military following signing of Muanikau Accord. You were a mediator between George Speight's group and the military for the release of hostages in parliament during May 2000. You felt you had to act when people approached you. Unfortunately you decided to venture into a dangerous path to remove the Commander by inciting his soldiers to resist his authority.
The title of Qaranivalu was bestowed to you to bring honour to your people. Instead you have brought them disgrace. Your action was deliberate and calculated. The consequences of your action were catastrophic.
Where the law simply provides a maximum sentence of life imprisonment, the court is given a very wide discretion to determine the appropriate penalty based on the facts of each case.
The offence of inciting to mutiny is rarely committed and there are no cases in Fiji, for guideline. Counsel for the State referred the court to a judgment of the Supreme Court of Papua New Guinea for guideline.
In my mind what else could be a substantially grave offence than to incite a mutiny that resulted in deaths of soldiers and serious injuries to others. Your disaffection towards the Commander was a personal matter. You put others' lives at risk for your personal agenda.
I am satisfied that your case meets the Hodgson guidelines. Firstly, the incitement is grave enough to attract a substantial sentence. Secondly, by inciting an offence to subvert the military authority using your prominence and influence as the holder of the title Qaranivalu, you might remain a serious danger to the public for a period which could not be reliably estimated at this stage. I say this because any rebellion among military will have dire consequences to the law and order in the country.
After the Court of Appeal allowed your appeal against conviction, you were released from prison in June 2007.
Following your release from prison on bail pending re-trial, you did not waste any time to embark on another unlawful course against the Commander. This time, you planned with the rebellion CRW soldiers, to kill the Commander who by that time had become the Prime Minister. The plot to kill the Commander was detected; you were charged and tried together with the CRW soldiers, and on 5 March 2010, sentenced to 7 years imprisonment for conspiracy to murder (State v. Takiveikata HAC009/2008).
Your subsequent offending is highly relevant. Further to my earlier finding that you continue to pose a serious threat to the public safety, your subsequent offending also leads me to believe that you might remain a serious danger to the public safety. Both general and special deterrence applies to your case.
For these reasons, in the exercise of my discretion I sentence you to life imprisonment.
At the time of the offending in this case you were 53 years old. You did not have any significant previous convictions before 2000. You are now 63 years old. I give weight to your good character before you offended in 2000 and the contributions you made to your people as their paramount chief.
The offence is nearly ten years old. I consider the age of the offence in your favour. I take into account that you had served two years and seven months before you were released on bail for this re-trial.
Your counsel informed this court that in 2007 you were diagnosed with prostate cancer and that in 2008 you had undergone a surgery.
I take all these matters into account to fix a non-parole period for 8 years. I order that you serve this sentence concurrently with your pre-existing sentence. Your sentence means that you will only be released from prison after 4 March 2019 on a license and will be subject of recall to continue serving your life imprisonment if you breach any conditions of your release.
You may appeal against your conviction and sentence with the leave of the Court of Appeal within 30 days.
Daniel Goundar
JUDGE
At Suva
4 March 2011
On appeal, the Fiji Court of Appeal upheld Takiveikata's conviction and sentence.
You expressed no remorse for your crime apart from your counsel's plea for mercy. Remorse is an expression of accepting responsibility for your conduct. You may have sought forgiveness from the victims, but forgiveness without accepting responsibility, is not a genuine acknowledgement of contrition. By not accepting any responsibility for your crime, you have deprived yourself of credit that is given to offenders who express remorse.
Inciting to mutiny is a serious offence. A person convicted of this offence is liable to be imprisoned for life. The life imprisonment is discretionary.
The incitement that occurred in this case is serious. You urged two military officers belonging to CRW Unit to remove the Commander of RFMF by taking over the military barracks. One of the officers, Shane Stevens was a senior military officer who managed to team up a group of soldiers to turn against their own Commander.
On 2 November 2000, Stevens and his team attempted to takeover the military barracks. Soldiers loyal to the Commander resisted the takeover. There was a cross-fire exchanged between the loyalist and the rebellion soldiers at the military barracks.
As a result of the cross-fire, eight soldiers were killed, eighteen soldiers were hospitalized with serious gunshot injuries and two civilians were injured outside the barracks from stray projectiles.
In your first trial, you were sentenced by Gates J (as he was then) to life imprisonment for this office. His Lordship took the view that your sentence should not be any different from the sentence imposed on Stevens who you had incited. The plan to use CRW soldiers to remove the Commander was your brain child. The reason you targeted the CRW soldiers is because you already knew some of them had rebelled against the military authority during the George Speight coup.
In this re-trial, evidence was led that the strategy for the takeover was left to Stevens to devise. Bonafasio whom you also incited said in his evidence that you did not want any bloodshed. That may be so, but, you must have realised that forceful removal of the head of military authority cannot occur without resistance. Stevens disclosed to you the strategy he was going to use to execute the takeover and you agreed to provide arms and civilian support. You agreed to use your chiefly status as the Qaranivalu to gather support from your people to go to the barracks when Stevens was going to execute the takeover.
You may have been driven to incite Stevens because of concerns expressed to you by your people about the conduct of the military following signing of Muanikau Accord. You were a mediator between George Speight's group and the military for the release of hostages in parliament during May 2000. You felt you had to act when people approached you. Unfortunately you decided to venture into a dangerous path to remove the Commander by inciting his soldiers to resist his authority.
The title of Qaranivalu was bestowed to you to bring honour to your people. Instead you have brought them disgrace. Your action was deliberate and calculated. The consequences of your action were catastrophic.
Where the law simply provides a maximum sentence of life imprisonment, the court is given a very wide discretion to determine the appropriate penalty based on the facts of each case.
The offence of inciting to mutiny is rarely committed and there are no cases in Fiji, for guideline. Counsel for the State referred the court to a judgment of the Supreme Court of Papua New Guinea for guideline.
In my mind what else could be a substantially grave offence than to incite a mutiny that resulted in deaths of soldiers and serious injuries to others. Your disaffection towards the Commander was a personal matter. You put others' lives at risk for your personal agenda.
I am satisfied that your case meets the Hodgson guidelines. Firstly, the incitement is grave enough to attract a substantial sentence. Secondly, by inciting an offence to subvert the military authority using your prominence and influence as the holder of the title Qaranivalu, you might remain a serious danger to the public for a period which could not be reliably estimated at this stage. I say this because any rebellion among military will have dire consequences to the law and order in the country.
After the Court of Appeal allowed your appeal against conviction, you were released from prison in June 2007.
Following your release from prison on bail pending re-trial, you did not waste any time to embark on another unlawful course against the Commander. This time, you planned with the rebellion CRW soldiers, to kill the Commander who by that time had become the Prime Minister. The plot to kill the Commander was detected; you were charged and tried together with the CRW soldiers, and on 5 March 2010, sentenced to 7 years imprisonment for conspiracy to murder (State v. Takiveikata HAC009/2008).
Your subsequent offending is highly relevant. Further to my earlier finding that you continue to pose a serious threat to the public safety, your subsequent offending also leads me to believe that you might remain a serious danger to the public safety. Both general and special deterrence applies to your case.
For these reasons, in the exercise of my discretion I sentence you to life imprisonment.
At the time of the offending in this case you were 53 years old. You did not have any significant previous convictions before 2000. You are now 63 years old. I give weight to your good character before you offended in 2000 and the contributions you made to your people as their paramount chief.
The offence is nearly ten years old. I consider the age of the offence in your favour. I take into account that you had served two years and seven months before you were released on bail for this re-trial.
Your counsel informed this court that in 2007 you were diagnosed with prostate cancer and that in 2008 you had undergone a surgery.
I take all these matters into account to fix a non-parole period for 8 years. I order that you serve this sentence concurrently with your pre-existing sentence. Your sentence means that you will only be released from prison after 4 March 2019 on a license and will be subject of recall to continue serving your life imprisonment if you breach any conditions of your release.
You may appeal against your conviction and sentence with the leave of the Court of Appeal within 30 days.
Daniel Goundar
JUDGE
At Suva
4 March 2011
On appeal, the Fiji Court of Appeal upheld Takiveikata's conviction and sentence.
Acting Home Affairs Minister, Filimoni Vosarogo says he fully understands the concerns of the Commander of the Republic of Fiji Military Forces, Major General Jone Kalouniwai on the application for release of George Speight and possibly others, and the timing of such discussions, especially as the nation begins to craft new beginnings with many rays of hope for a better Fiji still ahead of us.
Major General Kalouniwai confirmed to fijivillage News earlier today that the RFMF had raised their concerns this morning about George Speight and Ratu Inoke Takiveikata with Acting Minister Vosarogo and Minister for Home Affairs, Pio Tikoduadua.
However he says we can speak to the Minister and Acting Minister regarding their concerns.
When contacted by fijivillage News, Vosarogo says he thanks the Commander RFMF for bringing the concerns of the RFMF to him as the acting line minister and that shows the Commander’s commitment to the rule of law, cordiality, and mutual respect.
Vosarogo says he has reciprocated by assuring the Commander that the government will hear his views, work with him, and reference his opinions on issues of national security. The Acting Home Affairs Minister says the fact that George Speight and others may have already applied for presidential pardon is just one part of the process.
He says launching a petition requires a rigorous process of examination of character and rehabilitation.
Vosarogo says the constitution has safety gauges to ensure that no one received pardon who doesn’t deserve pardon.
He says the Mercy Commission for example, must receive a report of the trial judge or the chief justice (if the former is not available).
Vosarogo says the views of the victims should also be considered.
He says on the latter, he is sure that there would be wider consultation with security institutions who have had to bear the cost of the petitioner’s criminal actions.
Vosarogo says the Mercy Commission may also choose to dismiss a petition if it considers the application as frivolous, vexatious and without merit.
He says a petition for mercy is a recourse available to all persons convicted, not just a few but in the assessment of the petition, various considerations must be considered before the recommendation is taken to the President for the exercise of his powers.
Vosarogo says the initiation of a petition doesn’t automatically mean a release.
He says the process must be followed to the detail and the role of the Mercy Commission is to see to that detail being attended to.
The Acting Home Affairs Minister says in the meantime, the government will continue to liaise closely with the RFMF and the Fiji Police Force on law-and-order issues where necessary support is needed and receive advice from them on issues where it is needed. Source: Fijivillage News
Major General Kalouniwai confirmed to fijivillage News earlier today that the RFMF had raised their concerns this morning about George Speight and Ratu Inoke Takiveikata with Acting Minister Vosarogo and Minister for Home Affairs, Pio Tikoduadua.
However he says we can speak to the Minister and Acting Minister regarding their concerns.
When contacted by fijivillage News, Vosarogo says he thanks the Commander RFMF for bringing the concerns of the RFMF to him as the acting line minister and that shows the Commander’s commitment to the rule of law, cordiality, and mutual respect.
Vosarogo says he has reciprocated by assuring the Commander that the government will hear his views, work with him, and reference his opinions on issues of national security. The Acting Home Affairs Minister says the fact that George Speight and others may have already applied for presidential pardon is just one part of the process.
He says launching a petition requires a rigorous process of examination of character and rehabilitation.
Vosarogo says the constitution has safety gauges to ensure that no one received pardon who doesn’t deserve pardon.
He says the Mercy Commission for example, must receive a report of the trial judge or the chief justice (if the former is not available).
Vosarogo says the views of the victims should also be considered.
He says on the latter, he is sure that there would be wider consultation with security institutions who have had to bear the cost of the petitioner’s criminal actions.
Vosarogo says the Mercy Commission may also choose to dismiss a petition if it considers the application as frivolous, vexatious and without merit.
He says a petition for mercy is a recourse available to all persons convicted, not just a few but in the assessment of the petition, various considerations must be considered before the recommendation is taken to the President for the exercise of his powers.
Vosarogo says the initiation of a petition doesn’t automatically mean a release.
He says the process must be followed to the detail and the role of the Mercy Commission is to see to that detail being attended to.
The Acting Home Affairs Minister says in the meantime, the government will continue to liaise closely with the RFMF and the Fiji Police Force on law-and-order issues where necessary support is needed and receive advice from them on issues where it is needed. Source: Fijivillage News
RATU INOKE TAKIVEIKATA
Hearing Dates: 16 – 28 February 2011
Counsel: Mr. P. Bulamainaivalu & Mr. P. Katia for State
Mr. V. Vosarogo for Accused
DECISION
[1] Now that the trial has concluded, I have a matter concerning a witness in the trial to deal with. The State called Mr. Shane Stevens to give evidence. Mr. Stevens was convicted of the mutinous act of attempted takeover of QEB on 2 November 2000 and was sentenced to life imprisonment in a court martial.
[2] During the course of his testimony, Mr. Stevens was obstructive and showed contempt to the court. He willfully refused to answer questions by the State counsel even after a direction from me asking him to answer the questions. He responded to the questions by saying he could not recall even after his memory was refreshed from his written statement. I closely observed his demeanour when he was in the witness box. He expressed anger towards the institution of justice.
[3] His conduct leads me to conclude that he refuses to accept responsibility for his crime. He has no remorse for his actions.
[4] I direct the Chief Registrar to forward a copy of my findings and transcript of Mr. Steven's conduct at this trial to the Commissioner of Prisons for consideration if Mr. Stevens applies for parole or pardon in near future.
Daniel Goundar
JUDGE
At Suva
4 March 2011
Hearing Dates: 16 – 28 February 2011
Counsel: Mr. P. Bulamainaivalu & Mr. P. Katia for State
Mr. V. Vosarogo for Accused
DECISION
[1] Now that the trial has concluded, I have a matter concerning a witness in the trial to deal with. The State called Mr. Shane Stevens to give evidence. Mr. Stevens was convicted of the mutinous act of attempted takeover of QEB on 2 November 2000 and was sentenced to life imprisonment in a court martial.
[2] During the course of his testimony, Mr. Stevens was obstructive and showed contempt to the court. He willfully refused to answer questions by the State counsel even after a direction from me asking him to answer the questions. He responded to the questions by saying he could not recall even after his memory was refreshed from his written statement. I closely observed his demeanour when he was in the witness box. He expressed anger towards the institution of justice.
[3] His conduct leads me to conclude that he refuses to accept responsibility for his crime. He has no remorse for his actions.
[4] I direct the Chief Registrar to forward a copy of my findings and transcript of Mr. Steven's conduct at this trial to the Commissioner of Prisons for consideration if Mr. Stevens applies for parole or pardon in near future.
Daniel Goundar
JUDGE
At Suva
4 March 2011
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